Amy Acton wants Ohio voters to see a pragmatic, science-minded public servant. IRS records from the Columbus Foundation tell a different story, one involving hundreds of thousands of dollars directed to Planned Parenthood, a million-dollar grant to the ACLU, and tens of thousands to an organization that two Republican governors have since designated a foreign terrorist organization.

Acton, the Democrat running for governor against Republican Vivek Ramaswamy, worked for less than two years as a grants manager at the Columbus Foundation, a major 501(c)(3) charitable organization in Ohio. During her tenure in 2017 and 2018, IRS records show the foundation administered grants to a roster of left-leaning organizations whose missions range from abortion access and climate activism to immigration services and Muslim advocacy.

The dollar figures are not small. And the organizations are not shy about where they stand.

Where the money went

In 2017, the Columbus Foundation administered $272,666 in grants to Planned Parenthood of Greater Ohio. The following year, another $243,951 went to the same organization, a nonprofit that provides abortions. Over those same two years, the ACLU of Ohio received $77,915 in 2017 and a striking $1,000,000 in 2018.

The ACLU of Ohio states on its own terms that it works "to strike at the roots of racial injustice," "champions transgender people's right to be themselves," and maintains that Roe v. Wade secured "a woman's right to abortion." It also argues that "due process and equal protection" apply to every person "regardless of immigration status."

Those are not moderate positions in a state like Ohio. They are the full menu of progressive legal activism.

Food & Water Watch received the single largest grant in the records: $8,050,000 in 2018. The group says it "fights for sustainable food, clean water, and a livable climate" and works to protect people from "corporations and other destructive economic interests that put profit ahead of everything else." It also declares that "people of all races, religions, genders, and sexual orientations deserve fair treatment and equitable opportunities and outcomes." That is the language of equity-driven climate activism, not centrist philanthropy.

Other recipients included the Harmony Project ($572,556 in 2017 and $598,500 in 2018), which describes its mission as "breaking down social barriers" and "empowering the voices of the people." Besa Community, Inc., which received $58,558 in 2017 and $91,500 in 2018, states that "diversity strengthens our community" and that its "mission is rooted in the idea that bringing diverse groups of people together drives innovation and change."

The Diversity Center of Northeast Ohio received $49,150 in 2017. Its stated mission: "to empower people and organizations to embrace all forms of diversity and create communities where everyone belongs."

CAIR Ohio grants draw sharper scrutiny

Perhaps the most politically charged line item involves CAIR Ohio, the Council on American-Islamic Relations, which received $50,000 in 2017 and $75,000 in 2018 from the Columbus Foundation.

CAIR describes itself as working "through legal representation, education, media relations, and advocacy" to "empower the American Muslim community and encourage participation in political and social activism." It says it counsels, mediates, and advocates for "Muslims and others who have experienced discrimination, harassment, or hate crimes."

But the organization carries heavy baggage. On November 18, 2025, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott designated both the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR as foreign terrorist organizations and transnational criminal organizations. Abbott's proclamation cited the FBI as saying CAIR was founded as a "front group" for "Hamas and its support network" in the United States. The designation allows heightened enforcement actions against the organizations and their affiliates in Texas and prohibits them from purchasing or acquiring land in the state.

Three weeks later, on December 8, 2025, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis issued his own executive order designating the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR as foreign terrorist organizations for the purposes of that order. CAIR-Florida and CAIR National called the orders "unconstitutional and defamatory" and signaled legal action, including a federal lawsuit against Abbott over the Texas designation.

Whatever the legal outcome, the fact remains: a candidate now asking Ohio voters to trust her moderate instincts oversaw grant operations that funneled $125,000 to an organization two sitting Republican governors have labeled a terrorist front. That is a question Acton will have to answer on the campaign trail, and it is not the first time her record has drawn uncomfortable scrutiny.

Immigration, refugee services, and Mother Jones

The grant records also show money flowing to immigration and refugee organizations. Community Refugee and Immigration Services received $47,057 in 2017. The group says its mission is helping "refugees and immigrants reach safety and stability, sustain self-sufficiency, and achieve successful integration into the Central Ohio community."

The Ethiopian Tewahedo Social Services Foundation received $5,000 in 2017 and $61,700 in 2018. It says it began in 2000 as an outreach organization focused on the Ethiopian refugee and immigrant community and grew to serve "individuals and families from over 100 countries and cultures" twenty years later.

Then there is the Foundation for National Progress, which received $50,000 in 2017. InfluenceWatch describes the Foundation for National Progress as a "center-left nonprofit" that "publishes and supports the social-democratic opinion and news magazine Mother Jones" and "supports the development of left-of-center journalists writing for the publication." Directing charitable dollars toward the publisher of Mother Jones is not the mark of someone trying to find the center.

The pattern across these organizations is not subtle. Abortion providers. Civil-liberties litigation shops. Climate-equity groups. Diversity nonprofits. Refugee and immigration services. Muslim advocacy. A left-wing magazine's parent foundation. Taken individually, each grant might be explained away. Taken together, they paint a picture of institutional priorities that align neatly with progressive orthodoxy, not with the moderate brand Acton is selling to Ohio voters.

The campaign trail tells its own story

Acton's public conduct since entering the race has done little to reinforce a centrist image. In November 2025, she used social media to denounce the Ohio legislature's passage of a bill requiring middle school and high school students to watch an anti-abortion video. That same month, EMILY's List, the powerhouse Democratic group dedicated to electing pro-choice women, endorsed her candidacy. EMILY's List President Jessica Mackler said the group was "excited to endorse Amy and work with her to win this race."

An EMILY's List endorsement is not something moderate Democrats typically seek, or receive. The organization exists to advance abortion rights as a litmus test for Democratic women candidates. Acton's embrace of that endorsement speaks louder than any campaign ad about common ground.

The gap between what Democrats say and what they do is a recurring theme in American politics. Senate Democrats, for example, voted unanimously against a photo ID amendment after their own leader claimed the party supported voter identification.

Acton's pandemic record adds another layer. She served as Ohio's public health director in 2020 and signed orders closing schools, shutting businesses, restricting events, and suspending in-person voting in the 2020 primary. Republicans are making that record a central campaign issue, with Ramaswamy accusing her of spreading "COVID ideology." Acton's campaign has defended those actions, with spokesperson Addie Bullock saying Acton "is proud of the work she did alongside Governor DeWine to put public health over politics, save lives and keep Ohioans safe."

The pro-life movement saw things differently. The Right to Life Action Coalition of Ohio rescinded its endorsement of DeWine in November 2020 over his appointment of Acton, criticizing him for allowing abortion clinics to remain open amid the COVID-19 pandemic even as the state health department halted elective surgeries and closed many businesses under its stay-at-home order. Lockdowns for thee, but not for Planned Parenthood, that was the message Ohio's pro-life community received.

The contradiction is hard to miss. Ohio has seen its share of Democrats whose actions diverge sharply from their public positioning, and Acton's record fits that pattern.

No comment

Breitbart News reached out to Acton's campaign for comment on the grant records but did not receive a response.

That silence is worth noting. When the facts on the page include more than half a million dollars to Planned Parenthood, a million to the ACLU, eight million to a climate-equity group, six figures to CAIR, and $50,000 to the publisher of Mother Jones, all during a candidate's time managing grants, a "no comment" does not make the questions go away. It makes them louder.

Ohio is not a progressive state looking for a progressive governor. Candidates who try to run under false ideological flags in Ohio tend to get caught eventually. Acton's grant record suggests voters should read the fine print before buying the moderate label.

You can call yourself whatever you want on the campaign trail. The IRS receipts call you something else.