Federal judge tosses left-wing group's lawsuit against DOJ anti-weaponization fund

By 
, June 12, 2026

U.S. District Judge Richard Leon threw out a lawsuit by Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington on Wednesday, rejecting the group's bid to block the Department of Justice's $1.776 billion anti-weaponization fund, a program the DOJ had already shelved weeks earlier after a separate court order and bipartisan criticism on Capitol Hill.

Leon, a George W. Bush appointee, denied CREW's request for a temporary restraining order. But the judge did not let the Justice Department walk away clean, either. He ended the hearing by warning DOJ attorney Andrew Block not to "play possum with this court," The Hill reported, citing an Associated Press account of the proceedings.

The ruling lands at a peculiar moment. The fund CREW sued to stop no longer exists in practice. Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche told a House Appropriations subcommittee on June 2 that the DOJ is "not moving forward" with the program. Yet Blanche also told the panel he was "not committing" to putting that abandonment in writing, a hedge that left lawmakers, courts, and outside groups guessing about whether the fund could resurface.

How the anti-weaponization fund was born, and buried

Blanche announced the creation of the nearly $1.8 billion fund last month. The DOJ built it out of a settlement in a since-reopened lawsuit President Trump filed against the IRS. The department said the fund would provide monetary payments to people who could successfully argue that the federal government had wronged them.

The concept drew fire from both sides of the aisle. Lawmakers raised concerns that individuals convicted of assaulting police officers during the January 6, 2021, Capitol breach could receive taxpayer dollars. The backlash was sharp enough that a federal judge in Virginia temporarily halted the fund from making any payouts earlier this month.

The DOJ backed down after that Virginia ruling. But the administration's decision to shelve the fund came without the kind of formal written withdrawal that would have ended the legal uncertainty for good.

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That ambiguity is exactly what Judge Leon appeared to flag with his "play possum" warning. When a department says it is "not moving forward" but refuses to commit that position to paper, courts and litigants are left in limbo.

CREW's lawsuit and the left's framing

CREW, which bills itself as nonpartisan, filed its initial suit on May 22. The group's complaint called the fund a "jaw-dropping act of presidential corruption" and described it as "brazenly illegal" on the grounds that Congress never authorized the spending.

Those are strong words, and they reveal the political stakes the left-leaning watchdog group attached to the case. CREW's argument rested on the claim that the executive branch cannot unilaterally create a multibillion-dollar payout mechanism without congressional approval. That is a serious constitutional question, and it deserved a serious answer.

But Leon's decision to toss the case suggests the lawsuit was, at minimum, premature. With the fund already frozen by a Virginia court and the acting attorney general telling Congress the program is dead, CREW was asking a second judge to block something that was no longer moving.

The timing raises a fair question about whether the suit was designed more for press releases than for legal relief. Filing a lawsuit to halt a program that has already been halted is the kind of move that generates headlines without changing outcomes.

Blanche's careful hedging

Todd Blanche's posture throughout this episode deserves scrutiny, not because the fund was inherently flawed in concept, but because the rollout and retreat were handled in a way that invited legal chaos.

On June 2, Blanche told the House Appropriations subcommittee the DOJ was "not moving forward." That should have been the end of it. Instead, he added that he was "not committing" to formalizing the decision in writing. He also noted he would not withdraw a memo barring the IRS from reviewing prior tax returns of Trump, his family, and his businesses.

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President Trump, for his part, made clear he still supports the idea. In an NBC "Meet the Press" interview that aired Sunday with host Kristen Welker, Trump said the fund was sound in principle but acknowledged the process mattered.

"I think the weaponization fund is a great idea, and so do many other Republicans. You have to get it approved. If they get it approved, that's great. If they don't get it approved, I'd be disappointed."

That statement is worth reading carefully. Trump drew a clear line: the concept has merit, but it needs proper approval. That is not the language of someone trying to ram through an unauthorized slush fund. It is the language of someone who wants the policy done right.

The administration has faced a string of federal court challenges to its policy agenda, and each case reinforces the same lesson: process matters as much as substance when executive action brushes up against congressional authority.

What Judge Leon's warning means

Leon's admonition to the DOJ not to "play possum" was directed at Andrew Block, the department's attorney in the case. The phrase carries a specific implication: don't pretend to be dead on this issue only to spring back to life later.

That warning cuts in a direction CREW probably did not anticipate. Leon rejected the watchdog group's lawsuit, but he also put the DOJ on notice that any future attempt to quietly revive the fund would not escape judicial attention.

In practical terms, the ruling leaves the anti-weaponization fund in a state of bureaucratic purgatory. It is not formally dead. It is not formally alive. It exists as a policy concept that the president supports, that the acting attorney general says the department has abandoned, and that no one has bothered to bury with paperwork.

The pattern is familiar in this administration's legal battles. Courts have been willing to side with the executive branch on substance while demanding procedural discipline. A federal judge recently allowed the DOJ to retain seized 2020 election ballots from Fulton County, for instance, rejecting the county's objections. And a federal appeals court lifted a block on the White House ballroom project, another case where the administration prevailed after initial procedural resistance.

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The thread connecting these cases is straightforward: when the administration follows the rules, it wins. When it cuts corners or leaves loose ends, it hands its opponents free ammunition.

The real accountability gap

The deeper issue here is not whether the anti-weaponization fund was a good idea. The deeper issue is who should decide how $1.776 billion in taxpayer money gets spent.

CREW's answer, that Congress must authorize the spending, is constitutionally orthodox, even if the group's motivations are transparently partisan. The DOJ's answer, that the fund arose from a legitimate legal settlement, has its own logic. But "not moving forward" while "not committing" to put that in writing is not an answer at all. It is a dodge.

Congress has the power of the purse. If the anti-weaponization fund is worth creating, it is worth creating through legislation. If it is not worth the political fight, then the administration should say so clearly and move on.

The fund received bipartisan backlash on Capitol Hill for a reason. Voters across the spectrum get nervous when nearly $1.8 billion materializes from a settlement and gets earmarked for payouts without a single floor vote. That instinct is healthy. It is the same instinct that makes Americans suspicious of executive overreach regardless of which party occupies the White House.

President Trump acknowledged the point himself: "You have to get it approved." That is the right standard. The question is whether the DOJ will follow it, or keep one foot out the door.

Judge Leon just told them he is watching. Taxpayers should be, too.

" A free people [claim] their rights, as derived from the laws of nature."
Thomas Jefferson